5th Congress Autism-Europe
Articulos / Proceeding
Autism-Spain

Metarepresentation in the language use of four young autistic adults: Implications for cognitive theories of autism

Ann De Roeck


A recent theory about the nature of autism, the Theory of Mind hypothesis, suggests that autistic people are seriously impaired in the capacity to think about one's own and other persons' minds and to explain and predict behaviour on the basis of these reflections. These problems in Theory of Mind (henceforth: ToM) formation and use are suggested to be due to a deficient metarepresentational mechanism (e.g. Leslie 1987). This very mechanism is a cognitive data structure which allows a person to think of and treat representations as mere representations (e.g. Leslie and Roth 1993), an ability which is, among others, needed in pretence and attributions of beliefs and thoughts to other people. More in particular, the metarepresentational mechanism is assumed to allow a person to form structures like in (1), (2) and (3),

(1) 1 - pretend - this banana - "it is a telephone"

= the underlying data structure needed for solitary pretence

(2) John - pretends- this banana "it is a telephone"

= the underlying data structure needed for the understanding of pretence by others

(3) John - thinks - this banana - "it is a telephone"

= the underlying structure needed for the belief attribution "John thinks that this banana is a telephone"

where the verbs pretend and think are interpretad as expressing a particular "informational relation" or "attitude" towards the truth of the description given between quotes.

In order to test this assumption of a deficient metarepresentational mechanism, (and consequently ToM mechanism ) in autism, one has run a number of false belief attrlbution experiments, varying from tests where only first order metarepresentation is needed as in (3) (e. g. Baron-Cohen et al. 1985), to tests which require more complex, second order metarepresentation as in (4), where a subject has to be able to think about someone else's thoughts about a third person's thoughts (e. g. Baron-Cohen 1989).

(4) John thinks that Mary thinks that this banana is a telephone

In contrast to mentally retarded, language-impaired and normal controls, most autistic people are reported to fail these first and second order ToM tests (e. g. Baron-Cohen et al. 1985, Baron-Cohen 1989), and only a small subset of more intelligent and often older autistic subjects succeed on both tasks (e.g. Bowler 1992,, Happé 1993). This profile has given raise to two subhypotheses within the ToM framework: a "strong" version which claims that autistic people will never acquire metarepresentational and ToM skills (their success on ToM tasks is ascribed to the use of alternative, non-ToM strategies which result in a fake ToM) (e.g. Leshe 1994), and a "weak" version which claims that some autistic people may develop these skills on condition that they have a considerable verbal mental age, although this development wjll always be different and delayed (e. g. Baron-Cohen 1989). Both versions implicitly suggest that the resulting ToM and metarepresentational skills will be different.

Since the use of mental state terms such as think plays an important role in the discussion about autistic people's deficiency or ability in metarepresentational and ToM skills, I have focussed on the spontaneous use in conversation of to think and related items by four higher functioning autistic young adults as compared to normal adult controls. More in particular, I have looked at two different usages of the verb to think, viz. one where the verb denotes (aspects and characteristics of) being in the mental state or performing the mental process of 'thinking', as in (5), and one where it expresses an epistemic qualífication, as in (6), which actually reports a person's evaluation of the probability of a given State of Affairs (henceforth: SoA). This may be the speaker's present evaluation (as in (6a)), in which case we speak of a 'performative' epistemic evaluation, or someone else's evaluation (as in (6b)), which will be referred to as a 'descriptive' epístemic evaluation (see Nuyts 1994 for more information on this distinction).

(5) a. John is thinking about how to fix his car

b. Shut up, I am thinking

(6) a. I think that Mary will be home tomorrow

b. John thinks that Mary will be home tomorrow

Note that in the literature on metarepresentation and ToM in autism, only the so-called belief attributions, in our terminology 'descriptive' epistemic qualifications, have received attention so far. This study has, however, also included 'performative' epistemic qualifications, since they too require intact metarepresentational skills (see the resemblance between (6a) and (l)) (for an extensiva discussion see De Roeck and Nuyts (1994) and De Roeck (1995)). In addition, two other expression types of epistemic modality have been looked at, viz. epistemic modal adverbs as in (7) and auxiliaries as in (8).

(7) Probably Mary is at home

(8) Mary may be at home

The corpus used in this study consists of a total of twenty hours recorded one-to-one conversations between four young autistic adults and myself. These were casual conversations, not structured on the basis of questions on my part. In order to be able to evaluate the claim that autistic people need a high level of verbal inteligence to develop metarepresentational and ToM skills (see the "weak" version above), I have chosen to work with four participants that had a different profile of intelligence: S had a high verbal and nonverbal IQ, G a high verbal and low nonverbal IQ, M a low verbal and high nonverbal IQ and T a combined low verbal and nonverbal IQ. If the weak version of the ToM hypothesís is true then only S and G could possibly have developed the necessary skills. The control data (Nuyts 1994) were taken from a corpus of seven and a half hours of recorded television conversations between non-autistic adults.

In short, the results of a fine-grained analysis of both the epistemic expressions and the descriptions of the process of thinking boil down to two major observations (again details of this analysis can be found in De Roeck (1995) and De Roeck and Nuyts (1994)):

(i) S, G and M showed an adequate use of the items under consideration and have thus developed metarepresentational skills which are fully normal, in T's case the ability is only partially developed: she produces only 'descriptive' epistemic qualifications, and her descriptions of the process of thinking revealed a very idiosyncratic view of the thought process.

(ii) All subjects showed a significantly high use of epistemic modal auxiliaries which results from a(n extreme) tendency to perseverate. This tendency was also characteristic of the subjects' conversational abilities in general, and may suggest an executive functioning-like problem.

The problem with present ToM and related theories of autism, however, is that they cannot fully account for the findings in (i) and (ii). Let us start with the two core ToM hypotheses already mentioned above. Leslie's "strong" version of the ToM hypothesis is refuted by the results of S, G and M, whose use of epistemic expressions shows intact, normal metarepresentational skills: there are no indications whatsoever that these skills are fake and deviant. T's case would fit the theory more although the fact that 'performative' epistemic expressions are more difficult than the 'descriptive' ones can not be explained in this framework. As for the perseveration tendency, Leslie could only interpret them as resulting from fake metarepresentational and ToM skills, but since the latter assumption is not supported by our results, this line of argumentation does not work.

Baron-Cohen's "weak" version of the ToM hypothesis, on the other hand, does not rule out that some autistic people (e.g. S, G, and M) may develop genuine metarepresentational and ToM skills. But our data do not confirm his assumptions about the necessity of high verbal abilities: since T had exactly the same low(er) level of verbal intelligence as M, and M showed intact metarepresentational abilities, I would rather suggest that the ability for metarepresentation in autism is dependent on general level of intelligence and not on level of verbal intelligence (alone). In addition, the "weak" ToM version can also not explain the difference between 'performative' and 'descriptive' epistemic qualifications. The severe perseveration could be attributed to the effect of later developed metarepresentational skills, but since I have no information on the development of these skills in S, G and M, the study cannot confirm nor refute this claim.

A related though at the same time distinct position is taken by Frith and Happé (e.g. Frith and Happé 1994) who suggest that autism is the result of a combination of ToM problems with a special cognitive style ("having a weak central coherence"). The postulation of this additional cognitive style does, however, not enable them to better the explain the difference between 'performative' and 'descriptive' epistemic qualifications (T's profile). On the other hand, a "weak central coherence" might explain why our subjects perseverated so much, were it not that the conversational abilities of some of the subjects suggests a "strong" central coherence as well.

Finally, the recent "executive functioning" hypotheses (see e.g. Ozonoff et al. 1991a and b, Hughes and Russell 1993, Harris 1993, Jarrold et al. 1994) may seem the best candidates to explain the linguistic and cognitive profiles of my subjects, in particular their extreme perseveration. How the difference between 'performative' and 'descriptive' evaluations should be accounted for is difficult to evaluate in terms of an executive function deficit, however, and the possibility of intact ToM abilities despite executive function problems is dealt with differently by the respective proposals.

Since none of the above hypotheses can fully explain the results of this study, I have developed an alternative hypothesis which has integrated parts of the different theories describes. In order to explain the profile of my four autistíc subjects' linguistic behaviour, I have postulated that a deficit in "x", being one of the processing and reasoning principles by means of which a 'control mechanism' operates with information, is probably the core problem in autism. It is suggested that early damage to "x" affects the development of both metarepresentational and 'executive function-like' skills, and that a high level of intelligence helps one to compensate for problems in metarepresentation but is less successful in remedying the 'executive function-like' problems. What this implies for the exact relationship between "x", metarepresentational skills and 'executive functioning-like' skills is a question for further study. Anyway, the advantage of a postulation of a deficit in "x" is that it can easily explain why descriptive epistemic evaluations are easier to make than performative ones. Performative evaluations require the 'control mechanism' to actively select and compare relevant information about a SoA in order to arrive at a conclusion regarding the probabjlity of that SoA. Descriptive evaluations, on the other hand, are not the result of an active operation by the 'control mechanism' at the moment of speaking, rather, they involve a report on evaluations which are stored in conceptual knowledge. A deficit in one of the 'control mechanism's' processing and reasoning principle will thus be less damaging to those processes which do not require the active involvement of the mechanism.



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